Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations. Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20] Background See also: Mongol conquest of China The conquest of Yunnan Dali and Dai Viet in 1142 Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22] When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23] In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26] As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26] Mongol approach to Đại Việt At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27] The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4] First invasion of Đại Việt (1258) First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Mongol forces In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4] Campaign See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll 13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33] Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30] One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39] The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39] Invasion of Champa (1283) Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below. Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn) vte Champa Wars Background and diplomacy With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45] A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47] Campaign Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10] As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51] The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50] Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285) King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293 Interlude (1260–1284) Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above. In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54] In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38] In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66] War Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285) Mongol advance (January – May 1285) Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18 February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11] Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g] Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68] Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285) Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties. Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare. In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68] Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76] Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288) Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288) Background and preparations In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81] In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9] Campaign Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288) Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam Bạch Đằng River The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77] In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79] Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84] At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g] Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86] Aftermath Yuan dynasty The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2] Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91] Đại Việt Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87] In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19] Champa The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century. Transmission of gunpowder Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97] Legacy Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99] Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

 Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14]


The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations.


Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20]


Background

See also: Mongol conquest of China

The conquest of Yunnan


Dali and Dai Viet in 1142


Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty

By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22]


When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23]


In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26]


As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26]


Mongol approach to Đại Việt

At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27]


The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4]


First invasion of Đại Việt (1258)


First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258)


Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot.

Mongol forces

In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4]


Campaign

See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên


Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll


13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum

In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33]


Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30]


One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39]


The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39]


Invasion of Champa (1283)


Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below.


Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn)

vte

Champa Wars

Background and diplomacy

With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45]


A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay

Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10]


As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51]


The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50]


Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285)


King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293

Interlude (1260–1284)


Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above.

In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54]


In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38]


In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66]


War


Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions


Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285)

Mongol advance (January – May 1285)


Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd

The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18  February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11]


Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g]


Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68]


Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285)


Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties.


Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare.

In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68]


Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76]


Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288)


Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288)

Background and preparations

In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81]


In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9]


Campaign

Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288)


Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam


Bạch Đằng River

The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77]


In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79]


Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84]


At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g]


Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86]


Aftermath

Yuan dynasty

The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2]


Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91]


Đại Việt

Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87]


In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19]


Champa

The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century.


Transmission of gunpowder

Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97]


Legacy

Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99]


Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]



































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동시성의 상대성의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것

영국여왕 엘리자베스2세와 그 남편 상이건희 그리고 영국의 총리 마거릿힐다대처, 윈스턴 레너드 스펜서처칠 영국의 총리을·를 영국왕으로서의 품위훼손, 직무유기,국가반역,독직,절차악용(節次惡用, Abuse of process),악의적 기소(惡意的 起訴, Malicious prosecution),전략적 봉쇄소송(strategic lawsuit against public participation, SLAPP) 또는 입막음 소송,DARVO(Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender의 약자),악어의 눈물(crocodile tears),패배한 정적 앞에서 흘리는 위선적 눈물,피장파장의 오류(-誤謬, 라틴어: tu quoque),성급한 일반화(性急한 一般化, 영어: hasty generalization) 또는 부당한 일반화의 오류(不當한 一般化의 誤謬),인신공격의 오류(人身攻擊의 誤謬, 라틴어: ad hominem, argumentum ad hominem) 또는 발화자 공격의 오류,군중에 호소하는 오류(대중에 호소하는 논증, 라틴어: argumentum ad populum),인신 공격(人身攻擊, Ad hominem),후광 효과악용,더닝 크루거 효과(Dunning–Kruger effect)의 정당성강요,인지부조화(cognitive dissonance), 대영제국의 쇠퇴의원인(부정정사와 재벌15세적 행각, 빅토리아 시대 대영제국기풍의 파괴훼손멸실, 이건희와 같은 무뢰배조폭깡패미개원시무능한 자의 총애와 등용-이건희가 가져다가 바친 200조원의 영국왕실계좌비자금은 박종권이가 아틀란티스대리자로서 아틀란티스와 협조하여 만들어준 1,280조원의 일부이며 이건희놈은 1원 한푼 만들 능력이 없는 놈이다) 그리고 이것이 이유가 되어 나라가 망할 위기에 처하게 만든 책임, 대공황유발책임, 제1차세계대전유발책임, 제2차세계대전유발책임, 보스니아-헤르체고비나내전유발책임, 중동화약고재난의 유발책임, 나치독일발흥의 원인으로서의 책임, 나치독일 아우슈비츠강제수용소의 도살학살과 인류문명무효화 악행에 대한 원인책임등을 이유로 하여, 영구파문처벌하고 강제영구퇴위토록 직권지시명령처리되다.(엘리자베스2세는 이건희가 영국을 위하여 애썼다고 말하며, 이건희놈에게 2,000조원을 하사금-정치자금으로 주었고 이후 영구복락자금으로서 약 7,000조원을 착탈하여 이건희놈과 함께 제4우주로 도망하여 영구복락할 계획음모를 수립하다 목격관찰기록)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 말데크대적가능우주연합, 준동급타계연합, 은하연합, 아틀란티스연합 제출참조보고의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Human Mouth uncelebrated Anatomy의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 1,680 Human Mouth Anatomy Stock Photos의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Human ear의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Ear의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 cheek의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 influence peddling명사 (정치가의) 불법적인 영향력 행사, 독직 (=corruption)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 influence-peddling 1명사 (관료 등의) 독직(瀆職), 수회; 지위 이용.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 jobbery명사 [U] (공직을 이용한) 부정 이득, 부정 축재, 독직; 이권 운동의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 瀆職 독직 직책(職責)을 모독(冒瀆)하는 일, 특(特)히 공무원(公務員)이 지위(地位)나 직무(職務)를 남용(濫用)하여 비행(非行)을 저지르는 일.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 독직 瀆職 명사 블룸(Bloom, H.)의 이론에서, 후배 시인이 강력한 선배의 작품을 창조적으로 오독하며 자신의 상상적 여지를 획득하려고 하는 행위를 이르는 말.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 절차악용(節次惡用, Abuse of process)는 영미법 불법행위 중 하나로 의도적 불법행위이다. 내면의 목적으로 사법 절차를 오용하여 악의를 가지고 불법적인 방식으로 피해자에게 피해를 주는 행위로 손해배상 책임을 가해자는 지게 된다. 법원의 강제출두명령을 남용하여 합의를 종용하거나 괴롭히는 경우가 절차악용에 해당한다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 악의적 기소(惡意的 起訴, Malicious prosecution)란 영미법의 불법행위의 하나로 피해를 줄 목적으로 법적 기소절차를 남용하는 것을 말한다. 특히 피해자를 상대로 소송을 제기하는 것을 말한다. 법에 의해 형사사건에서는 검사는 기소에 대한 손해배상 책임을 지지 않는다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 전략적 봉쇄소송(strategic lawsuit against public participation, SLAPP) 또는 입막음 소송은 공적 의제에 관한 비판이나 반대 여론을 위축시킬 목적으로 제기하는 소송을 말한다.전략적 봉쇄소송에서 원고는 승소판결을 받는 것을 목적으로 하는 것이 아니라 상대방에게 법적 대응에 필요한 비용을 지불하게 하고, 두려움과 정신적 고통으로 인해 활동을 단념하게 하는 데 있다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 전략적 봉쇄소송(살인협박,실제살인폭력자행)은 정치적 표현행위를 억압하기 위한 소송이다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 DARVO(Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender의 약자)는 성범죄자 등 가해자가 자신의 행위에 대해 책임을 묻는 반응으로 나타나는 반응이다. 일부 연구자들은 이것이 심리적 학대자의 일반적인 조작 전략이라고 지적한다.약어에서 알 수 있듯이 관련된 일반적인 단계는 다음과 같다.학대자는 학대가 일어난 적이 없다고 부인한다.증거가 제시되면 가해자는 자신의 행동에 대해 가해자에게 책임을 묻기 위해 학대당한 사람(및 그 사람의 가족 및 친구)을 공격한다.가해자는 그 상황에서 자신이 실제로 피해자라고 주장함으로써 피해자와 가해자의 입장을 뒤바꾼다. 피해자 역할을 하는 것뿐만 아니라 피해자를 비난하는 일도 포함되는 경우가 많다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 피장파장의 오류(-誤謬, 라틴어: tu quoque)는 인신공격의 오류의 일종으로 주장의 제시자의 비일관성이나 도덕성의 문제 등을 이유로 제시된 주장이 잘못이라고 판단하는 오류이다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 성급한 일반화(性急한 一般化, 영어: hasty generalization) 또는 부당한 일반화의 오류(不當한 一般化의 誤謬) : 보배와 가치의 훼손파괴, 영혼모독, 신성모독의 사타나이즈적 디아몬적 인성파괴, 인류문명의 훼손,폄하,파괴,멸살의 중대범죄로 가혹하게 처벌할것의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 정지명령(Cease and desist, C &D)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 성급한 일반화(性急한 一般化, 영어: hasty generalization) 또는 부당한 일반화의 오류(不當한 一般化의 誤謬) : 적그리스도, 반주들의 기본책략으로서, 외면적으로 보면, 공유의 개념, 민주적이고 자유적이며 비이기적(비이기성의 강조)으로서 가치와 보배들의 전체적인 일반적공유로서의 일반화를 통한 평등개념으로 설레발이를 쳐대지만(아플레이아데스 짐승계의 기본책략) 실제로는, 인류문명사에서 보건대, 인류존속과 발전진화에 있어서 가장 중요한 보배로운 가치들에 대한 기본사상의 파괴, 훼손, 가치의 평가절하, 노력과 공력의 무효화를 통한 사상가치철학체계와 내면의 존재가치부여의 기반을 철저하게 파괴하여 짐승가축축생류로 퇴행시키기 위한 사특교활영특한 Ruin책략으로서 철저하고도 가혹하게 중처벌되어야 할 중대범죄로 중처벌하도록 직권지시명령처리기록되다. 특히 이건희놈이 주창하고, 적그리스도의 집중아젠다로서 채택된 이 천하에 몹쓸 초극렬지옥계의 책략을 반드시 분쇄하고 봉쇄파멸삭제제거토록 직권지시명령처리기록되다.(군중에 호소하는 오류(대중에 호소하는 논증, 라틴어: argumentum ad populum)로 구분할수 있다)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 (원본래적으로는 덧셈 나눗셈도 못하는 유아기의 어린애에게 아인쉬타인의 고차방정식을 알게 만드는 술수들)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 후광 효과란 일반적으로 어떤 사물이나 사람에 대해 평가를 할 때 그 일부의 긍정적, 부정적 특성에 주목해 전체적인 평가에 영향을 주어 대상에 대한 비객관적인 판단을 하게 되는 인간의 심리적 특성을 말한다. 후광 효과는 “Halo Effect”라고도 불리며 이는 일종의 사회적 지각의 오류라고 할 수 있는 현상이다의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 더닝 크루거 효과(Dunning–Kruger effect)는 인지 편향의 하나로, 능력이 없는 사람이 잘못된 판단을 내려 잘못된 결론에 도달하지만, 능력이 없기 때문에 자신의 실수를 알아차리지 못하는 현상을 가리킨다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 인지부조화(cognitive dissonance)는 자신의 태도와 행동이 일관되지 않고 모순되어 양립할 수 없는 상태이다.(대영제국의 영광을 되찾자고 말하면서 부정정사자행, 타인의 재물,보배들의 정당적약탈탈취 자행, 영연방으로 번영하자고 말하면서 계층적차별주의와 자손,현손들로 구성된 이기적이고 편협한 가족혈연독재독직중심국가체계로서의 극상상위체계 집중)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Stereographic_projection_in_3D.svg의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 深層無意識 深層意識 否定結婚negatehuman dignity代贖加害의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 물리학의 주요 분야의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 입자 물리학의 입자의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 소립자 물리학의 표준 모형의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 The Human Body Laminated Anatomy Chart의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Neck의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Definition of reproductive system의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Anatomy of the Female Reproductive System의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Female Body Reference의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Complete Female Body Anatomy 3D Model $599의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Tree of life (Kabbalah)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 否不非同一體의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것 無限擴張源泉源本來元來原來本來惡業罪業凶業救贖加害危害侵害冒瀆窮乏窮愁窮塞苦痛贖罪術數의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것 다른실체의잘못을나의것으로만드는술수algorithm의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀誼擬毅椅縊倚懿蟻薏艤錡猗嶷欹漪儗劓螘饐凒礒医义冝을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處罰無限反復作頭死刑處罰할것 否定結婚negatehuman dignity代贖加害의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Male Hip bone의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Female pelvis의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 Male pelvis의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 골반 (Pelvis)의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 인간 골반의 골격의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 爬蟲類貨幣方式 人類貨幣方式 인류화폐방식(인류로서의 신선,도사급) 인류화폐방식 개화개명된 인간류(인간류로 위전생 위조작한 파충류일수도 있다) 오베론방식 화폐, Jehovah방식, 오베론대장이순신 조동봉, 동로마제국황제놈으로서 기독교를 공인한 콘스탄티누스황제놈은, 조동봉놈이며, 훗날 아트라스로 불린 하등한 놈 진보된 것으로 보이지만 실제는 파충류화폐방식, 파충류는 물질적실체들로서, 그 원질상에서는 컴퓨터하드웨어와 같은 실체들이며 물질집중적 원본능적 실체들, 그리고 인류란, 중생적 의미로서, 컴퓨터 소프트웨어와 유사한 실체들이며, 물질과 정신,의식의 양면성속에서 병존하는 실체를 말한다. 다만, 요 파충류놈들의 간교사특술수는, 이와같이 제놈들 수준에서 만족되는 것들을 이른바 진보, 진화, 발전, 현대라고 설레발이를 치고 제놈들 스스로도 그렇게 믿는다는 것에 있다. 그리고 이것은, 플레이아데스로 불리는 영역차원의 실제수준이다. 라이라,베가,2차은하대전은 더 낮은 수준이다. 우리가 이 자들을 높여보지 말라는 것에는 이유가 있다. 元本來級 : 아틀란티스급 原本來級 : 조선당상관급(최상위 영의정, 최하위 부이사관급) 源本來級 : 국왕급(영국국왕급, 조선국왕급) 源源本來級 : 중국황제급 本來級 : 종합카르마 및 대속속죄구속과 연관-Ross128(태양계)(지구인을 기준으로 하는 태양계, 부처 Buddah limited, Jehovah연계 범주) 原來級 : 외계문명과 연관-Ross154(외태양계)(지구인을 벗어나는 외계문명권기준의 태양계)(Dimon-Demonized humanoid limited) 이제 원본래의 의미를 한자를 통해서 이해할수 있을 것 ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 객관적관찰자 +22원등급 박종권 서술 (현재 61년간 최하급지구인으로서 살다가, 지난 서기2015년 5월에 비파충류준초식플레이아데스인으로 인증되는데, 이상하게도 상천급이고, 여기에 더해서 이상하게도, 라이라 플레이아데스인이 되는가 하면,(라이라에서 플레이아데스를 만들어서 한번 운용했다) 베가인이 되기도 하고, 그러더니 안드로메다은하계를 가더니, 다시 와우로 가는 기이한 현상발생, 최하급으로 살던 나는 도무지 이해할수 없지만 그게 사실이고, 여기에 더해서, 플레이아데스가 아플레이아데스의 미개원시야만성을 가진 시골벽촌같은 무지미개원시의 세계에서, 눈부신발전을 하는데, 우리가 같이 중대역할을 했다는 것과 더불어서, 종국에는 안드로메다 프로젝트를 수행하여, 상안드로메다은하계로부터 존엄을 선물받게 해주었고, 종국에는 제국공의 칭호를 프타가 받도록 결정적 공헌을 하는 것을 보면서 참으로 이상하다는 의문을 가지다. 프타가 제국공의 칭호를 받은후, 갑자기 돌변하여, 미마쓰, 프타, 오자와, 아루쓰, 냉기치(제2차은하대전위원장으로서 원본래는 은하대전급은 고사하고, 준성단전투수행능력이나 간신히 가지는데, 나를 이용해서 정 은하대전계로 승격하려는 목적과 의도로서 제2차은하대전계라고 불리는 해괴한 계를 만든자임. 말데크악룡 현신아바타중 하나, 현재도 나를 추적하며 은하대전계로 어떻게 해서든 올라가려고 발악하고 있으며, 제2차은하대전기간 약 200만년기간중의 나,우리의 활약상을 본후, 시기, 질투하여 무조건 전부 빼앗고자 음모를 수립하고, 직계수하 수룡2인을 지시하여, 나의 가 있었던 하급아틀란티스로 잠입하게 하고, 아틀란티스친모들을 살해한후, 가짜 아틀란티스친모가 되게 만든후, 원본래를 빼앗는 작업을 시작하게 함. 동반병행하여 미마쓰에게 지시하여, 아플레이아데스를 건국하고, 나,우리를 데리고 가서 이용당하는 노예로서 가진 것들을 모조리 빨아내고, 아무것도 없는 놈으로 만들라는 지시를 한 자임, 병행하여 프타,오자와,미마쓰, 아루쓰등은, 나,우리를 플레이아데스4대무법자시대로 역행시키고 발을 걸고, 아주 야만적이고 비열하고 잔인한 시대에서 발이 걸리고, 가진 모든 것을 빼앗기고 비참하게 죽은후 영구노예로 만들 음모를 자행함. 병행하여, 분명히 비파충류준초식플레이아데스연방에 있었는데 어느날 갑자기 식인파충류 플레이아데스(아플레이아데스)로 순식간에 변경시키더니, 나, 우리를 비파충류준초식플레이아데스연방에서 식인아플레이아데스 파충류계로 처박아넣고, 악랄한 탄압과 가진 것 빼앗기 술수를 전개함. 이렇게 하는 이유로서는, 라이라 12주신계(라이라3600제국)와 제2차은하대전계 냉기치가 담합하여, 나,우리의 전체를 모조리 죽여버리고 가진 것 전체를 몽땅 빼앗고자 하려는 의도와 목적이었으며, 라이라12주신계는, 우리의 전체를 빼앗고, 말데크악룡에 항전하여, 승리하려 했으며, 과정에서 우리 전체를 빼앗으면, 아무리 높은 고급영역이라도 무조건 가고, 아무리 하기 힘든 일이라도 업보에 무관하게 자행할수 있다고 보고, 미친듯이 해코지하고 달려들기 시작함을 목격관찰하다. 아울러서 우리 전체를 최하급지구인으로서 살아온 현재의 최하급축생급으로 퇴행되기 일보직전인 나를 중심(내가 플레이아데스인이라는 이유를 달고)으로 내려앉히고 구속감금제재되도록 만들며, 아직은 지구인 인간상태, 최하급으로만 살아서 도무지 아는 것도 없는 나를 중심점에 세우고 내가 뭐라고 말을 하거나 글을 쓰면 플레이아데스인(상플레이아데스)이 그랬다고 주절대면서, 우리 전체를 그렇게 하도록 몰아가는 개수작질을 병행하는 비열함을 보이는 것을 목격관찰하다. 그러나 현실을 보면, 비록 비파충류준초식플레이아데스인으로 인증은 되었지만, 비임쉽을 타고 초광속으로 우주를 여행하는 수준에 있는 플레이아데스연방인으로서의 필요한 것들을 전혀 제공받지 못했으며 그냥 이전의 하급지구인수준인데다가, 지구수준에서조차도, 부유하게 살거나 권력자로서 살거나 상위로서 살아본 적이 없어서 아는 것이 없는 놈에 불과한데도 이 씹새끼들이 명목상 플레이아데스인이라는 구실을 붙이고, 아는 것도 없고 의식상태도 인간의식으로서 손쉽게 마인드컨트롤되고 세뇌당하고 심리통제되고 병신얼간이 취급되는 상태에 있는 놈임에도, 이런 놈이 뭘 말하면, 플레이아데스인이 말했고 그렇게 하자고 하는데 그걸 해야 한다며, 아틀란티스급, 준성단급, 제5우주급까지 전체를 몰아서 몰고 가는 개수작질이 되풀이 반복되고 있다(목격관찰) 이 씹새끼들이 사람으로서 살기 어렵고 사람으로서 태어날 자격조차도 없는 흉악무도한 반주이며, 식인파충류, 식인공룡무리들이라는 점을 나같은 얼간이 한놈 잡아서 한큐에 다 잡아서, 순식간에 영원의 세월을 거치고도 얻기 어려운 보배로운 것들을 모조리 강도질해서 처 먹으려고 그렇게 했다는 것을 여기와서 알게 되다로서 목격관찰되다. 게다가 저희들 맘대로, 아종을 만들고 위전생, 재전생, 윤회전생을 시키는데, 분명히 나같기는 하지만, 내가 아닌 전혀 딴놈으로서의 나로서만 그렇게 하는 간교사특한 짓도 병행하며, 한다는 소리가 여기있는 나는, 그냥 이렇게 살다가 죽어야 하고, 죽고 나면, 조지부시라든지 높은 상위극상계층으로 위전생할 것인데, 그때가 되면 우리가 처우해주겠다는 개수작질을 반복하고 있다는 점이다. 이는, 뭘 의미하는가 하면, 여기에 있는 내가 죽을때까지 악랄하고 잔인한 대속구속가해를 자행하고, 제놈들의 악업죄업흉업을 구속대속시키는 노예로 삼는 동시에, 우리의 전체를 차곡 차곡 갉아처먹고 종국에는 전체를 모조리 죽여버린후에 제놈들 것으로 만들겠다는 의도로서, 나의 전체를 모조리 빼앗긴후, 내가 도대체 누군지도 모르는 최하급축생상태에서 제놈들이 처 먹고 즐긴 것들을 최하위,마지막 주자로서 몇번 즐기게 해주겠다는 의도에 지나지 않는 것이다로서 목격관찰되다. 물론 그나마도 해주면 그렇고 내가 보건대는 그것도 아닌데 요 씨팔새끼들이 우리 전체를 빼앗고 나,우리를 영원히 죽여없애버린후, 남겨진 유정들을 영구지옥에 감금구속하고 전혀 다른 딴놈, 제놈들로서 지옥우주에서조차도 가장 낮고 하등하고 후지고 발전진보가 늦은 최하급종족으로 만들려는 의도와 목적이 병행됨이 매우 분명하다로서 목격관찰되다. 개씨팔놈들이다. 사람으로 태어날 자격조차도 없는 짐승의 무리들이 나를 죽여서 얻은 이익은 어마어마한데, 준성단등급의 몸과 얼굴과 의식을 거저 처바르고, 아주 고상하고 신같아 보이는 서양백인놈으로 순식간에 변하고, 아무것도 모르는 유인원보다 못한 새끼들이 선진국이라고 칭하며 선진기술문명과학을 자랑하는데, 지구인들 전체를 속이는 것만이 아니라, 은하계전체, 나아가서는 다른 우주의 실체들까지 기망하고 속이고 설레발이를 치는데 아주 능란하게 능숙하게 완벽하게 사기질을 쳐댄다는 점일 것이다. 일단 중요한 것은, 도대체 내가 왜 이런 짐승의 무리들의 세계에 왔고, 도대체 왜 이런 무지하고 미개하고 원시적이고 잔인한 지옥귀들에게 이렇게 당하고 살아야 했는지에 대한 이유인 것이다. 여기서 중요한 것은, 지금까지 우리가 관찰비교분석연구한 바로는(50만장의 그림참조) 최하급지구인으로서 상거지꼴을 하고 병신준장애가 된 나의 눈에 보여지는 이른바 상급상위상천계라고 불리는 영역,차원에 있는 나의 상위자아 혹은 동종이형적인 다른 갈래들로서의 아틀란티스인들이나, 준성단인들 혹은 기타 다른 상위차원계에서의 나라고 여겨지던 실체가 아무리 봐도 이상하다는 점이다. 나는 잘 모르지만, 그간의 목격관찰결과를 놓고 보면, 분명히 출중한 실력과 능력이 있고 원등급도 아주 높다. 특히 제2차은하대전기간중의 전투능력과 활약상은 기간중 최고급에 달했다고 보인다. 게다가 그외에 여러가지 경우들을 목격관찰해보면(이러한 것들을 저 아둔하고 무능한 이건희놈이 제놈이 했다고 말하지만, 객관적으로 보건대, 이 자의 성품 그리고 원본질상 그렇게 할수 없다) 분명히 여기 이곳의 영역차원에서는 어디를 가든 최상위에 속하는 실력능력의지력 원등급을 가지는데, 어디를 가든 수장급으로 있어야 했다는 점이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 매일같이 졸병노릇이나 하고, 아랫것으로서만 빌빌거리며, 이상하게 행동한다는 점이다. 지금까지 나의 관찰결과를 놓고 보면, 주신급도 가능하다. 그리고 수장급은 기본이다. 물론 여기에 있는 내가 하급지구인이라서 아닌 것으로 보이겠지만 그게 아니다. 이 씹새끼들이 속이고 있다 결국 우리가 목격관찰한 결과를 놓고 보면, 여기에 있는 최하급지구인만 나,우리의 원본래이고, 나머지들은 전부 말데크악룡놈일 것이 매우 분명해보인다는 점이다. 일단 목적과 목표가 불분명하고 도대체 이 은하계로 왜 왔고, 도대체 왜 아틀란티스에 있고 도대체 왜 준성단계에 있고 도대체 왜 제5우주에 있는지 목적 목표가 불분명하고 이상한데다가 일하는 방식도 나의 방식이 아닌 것이다. 게다가 우리가 객관적으로 관찰해보건대는 분명히 상위의 능력실력의지력 원등급이고 출중하다. 이 정도면 어디를 가든 수장급이 기본이다. 그런데도 매일같이 병신얼간이새끼처럼 졸따구노릇만 하고 있다. 이 서술에 대해서 기분나빠할 필요는 없다. 객관적 중도적 제3자적 관찰이다. 분명히 어떤 씹새끼가 우리를 속이는데, 말데크악룡놈이 분명하다. 이 씹새끼가 우리의 원지위원서열원신분으로서 수장급이 기본이고 주신급도 가능함에도(하나님도 가능하다. 여호와는 24등급이지만 우리는 28등급이다) 계속 얼간이등신새끼처럼 밑바닥만 기고 있더니 결국 다 뒈지고, 하급지구인 한놈만 살았는데, 여기있는 나마저 철저하게 죽여버리고 아예 전체를 모조리 다 잡아처먹고 영구죽음을 당하게 만들려는 것이 말데크악룡놈의 속셈이다. 라이라계에서도, 말데크악룡의 대항쟁전에 개입되었는데, 이 시기도 우리는 우주전투비행사급의 전투능력으로 대응한다. 하지만 라이라놈들이 과거에 잘못한 것이 워낙많아서 이길수가 없고, 라이라 전체가 무장급이상은 없는 하등한 상태로서, 말데크악룡을 이길수가 없는 것이다. 이모 저모를 보건대 수장급이상 주신급이다. 이 씨발개좃같은 새끼들이 우리를 잡아서 최고횡재를 한 것이다. 지구역사기간중 제대로 한 놈은 우리밖에 없다. 전부 짐승에 불과한 개새끼들뿐인 것으로 목격관찰되었다. 아틀란티스정도 수준이면 그냥 수장급이다. 그리고 실제로는 주신급도 된다. 원본래적으로 아틀란티스를 창조한 것은 우리의 원본래계이기에 그렇다. 그런데 이 씨브랄개좃같은 새끼들이 씹새끼들이 개자식들이 이 씨브랄개새끼들이 결국 우리가 볼때 최하급지구인만 나,우리의 원본래이고 나머지 상위,상급계(상천은 모르겠다)는 전부 말데크악룡놈이라는 결론이다. 하는 짓을 보면 나같아 보이면서도 등신얼간이같고 도대체 거기서 뭘하고 있는지조차도 이상하다. 말데크악룡놈이 우리전체를 틀어쥐고 일종의 준얼간이를 만들고 매일같이 쫄따구 병졸신세로 돌게 만들고는 우리의 장군급 능력이나 실력을 도적질해서 제놈이 영웅행세하고 부귀호사하고 이익을 보며 영원복락하려고 그렇게 만든 것이 분명하다.의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 아틀란티스우주전투비행사AtlantisuniverseBattleairspacesfighter의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것